New York Times reporter Rukmini Callimachi recently outlined the Islamic State's systematic, logistically complex program of sex trafficking of captured Yazidi women and girls. Her narrative is chilling; the survivors' testimonies are horrifying.
It is obvious that ISIS soldiers and leaders commit terrible abuses, including widespread rape. In addition to adding specific charges to the year-long trickle of information about ISIS sexual offenses, Callimachi's story makes a bold pronouncement: the Islamic State espouses a "theology of rape.
According to the people Callimachi spoke to for the story, ISIS soldiers justify rape of captives as not only religiously licit, but also spiritually praiseworthy. Her observations dovetail with the centrality of enslavement to ISIS propaganda: enslaving captives demonstrates its prowess.
ISIS taunts Western opponents but reserves its deepest scorn for Muslims who reject slavery and all it entails. Its English-language magazine Dabiq contains arguments that enslaving disbelievers is "a firmly established aspect of the Sharia that if one were to deny or mock, he would be Though ISIS soldiers attribute religious merit to enslavement of Yazidi girls and women, many other Muslims, like those ISIS criticizes in its propaganda, oppose its actions and categorically reject the possibility of contemporary slavery.
Callimachi suggests that "Scholars of Islamic theology disagree He points out, reasonably, that repeated scriptural and jurisprudential references to slaveholding which include the permissibility of sex with "those your right hands possess" exist. While he notes that "you can argue that it is no longer relevant and has fallen into abeyance, ISIS would argue that these institutions need to be revived.
Yet this does not mean, as critics of Islam would have it, that the Islamic State's position on the legitimacy of owning -- and having sex with -- slaves is unquestionable.The Truth About Men...
For premodern Muslim jurists, as well as for those marginal figures who believe that the permission still holds, the category "rape" doesn't apply : ownership makes sex lawful; consent is irrelevant.
Others scholars point out that just because the Quran acknowledges slavery and early Muslims, including the Prophet, practiced it doesn't mean Muslims must always do so; indeed, the fact that slavery is illegal and no longer practiced in nearly all majority-Muslim societies would seem to settle the point.
It is one thing for committed religious thinkers to insist that scripture must always and everywhere apply literally, but it is ludicrous for purportedly objective scholars to do so. Anyone making that argument about biblical slavery would be ridiculed. Slavery was pervasive in the late antique world in which the Quran arose. Early Muslims were part of societies in which various unfree statuses existed, including capture, purchase, inherited slave status and debt peonage.
Thus, it is no surprise that the Quran, the Prophet's normative practice and Islamic jurisprudence accepted slavery.The subject who is truly loyal to the Chief Magistrate will neither advise nor submit to arbitrary measures.
This article was published more than 4 years ago. Some information in it may no longer be current. How does a liberal society cope with immigrants who don't share its values? It is an issue that Western cities from Paris to Copenhagen to London are confronting. Toronto is no exception. Despite its success at absorbing hundreds of thousands of newcomers — an achievement admired around the world — this city is not immune to the tensions that can come when a largely secular society takes in throngs of people with strong religious or cultural beliefs.
Look at what is happening in Thorncliffe Park. The high-rise enclave on the edge of the Don Valley is a magnet for new immigrants, many of them socially conservative Muslims from South Asia and the Middle East. This week, parents there staged a strike against the province's new sex education curriculum, pulling hundreds of schoolchildren out of class to protest.
They say their kids will learn too much, too soon. They say mothers and fathers, not educators, should decide what kids learn about sex and when they learn it.
They say a lot more, too. At the makeshift alternative school they set up in a local park, you hear a ragbag of conspiracy theories, unfounded claims and simple prejudice. A mother of four, a Palestinian by origin, says that when kids learn about sex in school they end up "behind the school making babies. A guy from Guyana who sits on the parent council of a local school says that, instead of teaching that "it's okay for a boy to be with a boy and a girl to be with a girl," the schools should be teaching kids to suppress homosexual urges.
Whether it is "a bullying problem, a drug problem, a smoking problem or a homosexuality problem," he says, the schools should be preventing it, not promoting it. School officials have responded to the parent protest with carefully chosen words. The local trustee says the school board will teach sex ed with "tremendous sensitivity" and "in a way that will bring comfort to everyone. But there is a limit to what the board can, or should, do to bend to parent concerns.
Sex ed has been taught in Ontario schools for half a century. Education officials are simply updating the curriculum, which will now deal with current issues like the perils of sharing sexual content through social media. Society has a strong interest in good sex ed. It is important for children not only to know the basics of human sexual biology and behaviour but to understand such things as the meaning of consent and how to avoid sexual diseases.
Even if their parents don't approve of homosexuality, children should know that it exists and that, in Canada, it's okay. The right to same-sex marriage has been the law of the land for a decade. In Canada, certain things are a given.
Men and women are considered equal. Bigotry, against gays and lesbians or any other group, is not acceptable. And, oh yes, sex ed is taught in the schools. Parents have the right to take their kids out of public school to avoid it and opt for home school or private schooling instead although that would be unfortunate given the great job schools do helping immigrant kids integrate into their new communities.The horror story unfolded back in early when a Belgian woman, 32, was abducted by six Tunisians in the north-western Italian sea resort of Sanremo, not far from the French border.
The victim, residing in the French Riviera, allegedly approached one of her future captors in the street seeking to buy drugs, according to media reports.
The Tunisians forcibly took her to a house, where one of the migrants lived, where she said she had been tied to a bed with ropes and repeatedly raped. One of her captors also always stood guard in the house to prevent her escape. At some point, the six men went from just taking turns in raping her to inviting some other people to the house and letting them rape her as well for money.
The chilling ordeal ended when the woman was suddenly released by her tormentors after spending some two months in captivity — January and February The police detained all six suspects, described as Tunisian migrants aged between 23 and 50 by the media, who were charged with kidnapping, group sexual violence, rape and forcing a person into prostitution.
No further details about the case have been revealed. There is no information on the citizenship status of the suspects or whether they are in Italy legally.
The pre-trial hearing of the case will be held on January The girl died from a drug overdose the same night as the migrants drugged her unconscious before sexually assaulting her. Three migrants from Senegal and Nigeria were arrested in that high-profile case, which split Italy as it led to yet another rise of anti-immigrant sentiments but also prompted many to accuse Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini, the leader of the right-wing anti-immigrant Lega party, of capitalizing on the issue.
The captors had allegedly been raping her for two months. Also on rt. Trends: Belgium news Italy news Turkey news. Media News. Richest 26 people own same amount of wealth as poorest half of the world — Oxfam.
Where to watch. RT News App. All rights reserved. Accept cookies.Her newfound fame has transcended her platform.
Her minor insecurities are blurted fodder for making a connection. Weiss seems genuinely fueled by curiosity, the desire to connect, to cross boundaries and try out new things. Though most of her friends are liberals, she sometimes socializes with conservatives too.
According to friends, she loves to spar not just to hear the sound of her own voice but because she might learn something.
Given the current climate, in which everyone seems to be retreating to angry and angrier corners, those who meet her find this expansiveness refreshing. I wanted to wrap her up in tissue paper and take her home with me. She is the subject of more unexamined hatred in our profession than almost anyone I can think of.
The irony, and what almost breaks my heart, is that she has almost no snark in her. For people of a certain age, it might seem odd that Weiss should be a favorite punching bag for lefties with itchy Twitter fingers. But Twitter is something else.
The targets must be taken down, not just hated but hated on. Some have platforms beyond Twitter, including HuffPost, Esquire, and lefty news sites. For writers hoping to gain a following, slamming Bari Weiss has become an easy way to be seen.
Her basic gist: while such movements are well-intentioned, their excesses of zeal, often imposed by the hard left, can backfire. Weiss has approached MeToo with attention to the gray areas. Rush has denied the allegations and recently won a defamation suit against an Australian publisher.
Some thought the piece was a frank portrait of a phenomenon worthy of examination. Others believed that by giving these provocateurs the floor, Weiss was endorsing their opinions. Literally everything good about this culture comes from mixing. She is an ardent Zionist, and has come to believe that much of the anti-Zionist talk on the left is tantamount to anti-Semitism, a view that many American Jews find objectionable and even infuriating.
They have traded policies that they like for the values that have sustained the Jewish people and frankly this country for forever: welcoming the stranger, dignity for all human beings, equality under the law, respect for dissent, love of truth. And no policy is worth that price. If she wanted to, Weiss could criticize him in every one of her articles.
Or is it our job to show them the scope of opinions, legitimate opinions, that people all over this country have? But there are other people out there who apparently think the job of a newspaper is almost to be socialist realist art.A woman swathed in black to her ankles, wearing a headscarf or a full chador, walks down a European or North American street, surrounded by other women in halter tops, miniskirts and short shorts.
She passes under immense billboards on which other women swoon in sexual ecstasy, cavort in lingerie or simply stretch out languorously, almost fully naked. Could this image be any more iconic of the discomfort the West has with the social mores of Islam, and vice versa?
Ideological battles are often waged with women's bodies as their emblems, and Western Islamophobia is no exception.
When France banned headscarves in schools, it used the hijab as a proxy for Western values in general, including the appropriate status of women. When Americans were being prepared for the invasion of Afghanistan, the Taliban were demonised for denying cosmetics and hair colour to women; when the Taliban were overthrown, Western writers often noted that women had taken off their scarves. But are we in the West radically misinterpreting Muslim sexual mores, particularly the meaning to many Muslim women of being veiled or wearing the chador?
And are we blind to our own markers of the oppression and control of women? The West interprets veiling as repression of women and suppression of their sexuality.
But when I travelled in Muslim countries and was invited to join a discussion in women-only settings within Muslim homes, I learned that Muslim attitudes toward women's appearance and sexuality are not rooted in repression, but in a strong sense of public versus private, of what is due to God and what is due to one's husband.
It is not that Islam suppresses sexuality, but that it embodies a strongly developed sense of its appropriate channelling - toward marriage, the bonds that sustain family life, and the attachment that secures a home. Outside the walls of the typical Muslim households that I visited in Morocco, Jordan, and Egypt, all was demureness and propriety. But inside, women were as interested in allure, seduction and pleasure as women anywhere in the world. At home, in the context of marital intimacy, Victoria's Secret, elegant fashion and skin care lotions abounded.
The bridal videos that I was shown, with the sensuous dancing that the bride learns as part of what makes her a wonderful wife, and which she proudly displays for her bridegroom, suggested that sensuality was not alien to Muslim women. Rather, pleasure and sexuality, both male and female, should not be displayed promiscuously - and possibly destructively - for all to see.
Indeed, many Muslim women I spoke with did not feel at all subjugated by the chador or the headscarf. On the contrary, they felt liberated from what they experienced as the intrusive, commodifying, basely sexualising Western gaze. Many women said something like this: "When I wear Western clothes, men stare at me, objectify me, or I am always measuring myself against the standards of models in magazines, which are hard to live up to - and even harder as you get older, not to mention how tiring it can be to be on display all the time.
When I wear my headscarf or chador, people relate to me as an individual, not an object; I feel respected. I experienced it myself.LAGOS, Nigeria — The unending tide of accounts of sexual harassment and assault by powerful men that women are suddenly allowing themselves to share is a reminder of the ubiquity of sexual violence that women worldwide have long known too well — and that men in a few places are finally, albeit reluctantly, acknowledging. It is a watershed moment finally to recognize the global reach and power of patriarchy, be it in entertainment, media, business or politics, whether in Hollywood, Washington, Paris or elsewhere.
Shariah Law: 'Sex Jihad' Fatwa Permits Incest in Syria
The actor Kevin Spacey was fired by Netflix. One current and three former female legislators told The Associated Press that they, too, were harassed or subjected to hostile sexual comments by fellow members of Congress.
In Egypt and Lebanon, social media users shared stories chronicling their experiences, and in India, a woman opened an online campaign to name and shame university teachers alleged to have sexually harassed or assaulted students.
Given the global reach of such claims, you would think that when the Swiss-born Muslim scholar Tariq Ramadan, now on leave from teaching at Oxford in England, faced and denied accusations of rape and sexual assault from at least three women, that report alone would have reminded everyone that sexual harassment and worse can exist in any community. For Muslims, however, the reports have instead served as a reminder that we Muslim women are caught between a rock and a hard place — a trap presenting near-impossible obstacles for exposing sexual violence.
The rock is an Islamophobic right wing in other cultures that is all too eager to demonize Muslim men. Exhibit A is President Trump, who has himself been accused of sexually harassing women and was caught on tape bragging about it. Nevertheless, he has used so-called honor crimes and misogyny which he ascribes to Muslim men to justify his efforts to ban travel to the United States from several Muslim-majority countries.
An ascendant right wing in European politics meanwhile jumps to connect any reports of misconduct by Muslim men to their Muslimness and to Islam as a faith rather than to their maleness and the power with which patriarchy rewards it around the globe.
The hard place is a community within our own faith that is all too eager to defend Muslim men against all accusations. But they get it wrong.
Indeed, Mr. Ramadan, while insisting that any conversation about veiling must be among Muslims only, incessantly interrupted me as I tried to contribute my views as a Muslim woman who had worn hijab for nine years. He accused me of being a neoconservative. I can write about my culture and religion because I am a product of both. Neither side cares about women. They are concerned only with one another. Earlier this year, a Muslim man — a stranger — emailed to chastise me for my views on sex, which he labeled un-Islamic.
It is incredible what happens when Muslim women are asked to speak for themselves. Predictably, both the rock and the hard place tried to hijack the voices of those Muslim women.
Muslim Women, Caught Between Islamophobes and ‘Our Men’
The Islamophobic right said the women would be better off if they left Islam. The Muslim men warned the women that Islamophobes would use their complaints against Muslim men. They continued to insist that they could speak for themselves, with power and humor. Islamophobia and racism are real. But justice is far more important.
We must not further shame Muslim women by expecting them to constantly defend our men. Put purity codes, racism and anti-Muslim bias in the mix and you have a potent cocktail.When it was her turn, the woman, who said she was from a British Muslim family of Arab origin, knelt down to speak so that we were at eye level. How do I get over the fear that God will hate me if I have sex before marriage? I hear this a lot. My email inbox is jammed with messages from women who, like me, are of Middle Eastern and Muslim descent.
Behind the veil lives a thriving Muslim sexuality
Countless articles have been written on the sexual frustration of men in the Middle East — from the jihadi supposedly drawn to armed militancy by the promise of virgins in the afterlife to ordinary Arab men unable to afford marriage.
I am not a cleric, and I am not here to argue over what religion says about sex. I am an Egyptian, Muslim woman who waited until she was 29 to have sex and has been making up for lost time.
My upbringing and faith taught me that I should abstain until I married. I obeyed this until I could not find anyone I wanted to marry and grew impatient. I have come to regret that it took my younger self so long to rebel and experience something that gives me so much pleasure. We barely acknowledge the sexual straitjacket we force upon women. When it comes to women, especially Muslim women in the Middle East, the story seems to begin and end with the debate about the veil.
Always the veil. I spent much of last year on a book tour that took me to 12 countries. Everywhere I went — from Europe and North America to India, Nigeria and Pakistan — women, including Muslim women, readily shared with me their stories of guilt, shame, denial and desire.
They shared because I shared. Many cultures and religions prescribe the abstinence that was indoctrinated in me. When I was teaching at the University of Oklahoma inone of my students told the class that she had signed a purity pledge with her father, vowing to wait until she married before she had sex. It was a useful reminder that a cult of virginity is specific neither to Egypt, my birthplace, nor to Islam, my religion.
Remembering my struggles with abstinence and being alone with that, I determined to talk honestly about the sexual frustration of my 20s, how I overcame the initial guilt of disobedience, and how I made my way through that guilt to a positive attitude toward sex. But when sex is surrounded by silence and taboo, it is the most vulnerable who are hurt, especially girls and sexual minorities.
Protesting parents don’t understand: Sex ed should be here to stay
In New York, a Christian Egyptian-American woman told me how hard it was for her to come out to her family. In Jaipur, a young Indian talked about the challenge of being gender nonconforming; and in Lahore, I met a young woman who shared what it was like to be queer in Pakistan. My notebooks are full of stories like these. I tell friends I could write the manual on how to lose your virginity.
Many of the women who share them with me, I realize, enjoy some privilege, be it education or an independent income. It is striking that such privilege does not always translate into sexual freedom, nor protect women if they transgress cultural norms. But the issue of sex affects all women, not just those with money or a college degree. Sometimes, I hear the argument that women in the Middle East have enough to worry about simply struggling with literacy and employment.
The answer to that question is already out there, in places like the blog Adventures From the Bedroom of African Womenfounded by the Ghana-based writer Nana Darkoa Sekyiamahand the Mumbai-based Agents of Ishq, a digital project on sex education and sexual life. These initiatives prove that sex-positive attitudes are not the province only of so-called white feminism. My revolution has been to develop from a year-old virgin to the year-old woman who now declares, on any platform I get: It is I who own my body.
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